When India became a republic on 26th January,
1950, the first Prime Minister of India, Pandit Jawahar lal Nehru had a vision
for the Indian economy which later came to be known as Nehruvian Socialism.
After 200 years of suffering at the hands of a foreign power, who came to the
country masquerading as businessmen, he envisaged a socialist economy in which
there will be barriers for the entry of foreign firms, the government will do
most of the production with public money, and the benefit will go back to the
people. It looks good on paper. But as the years went on, it became increasingly
clear that the economic paradigm of Nehruvian Socialism had problems. No
competition for the PSUs, less job creation, underutilization of resources and
faulty allocation of taxpayer money came to be associated with it. But the
public sector grew organically. By 1970s it was about one fifth of the total
GDP and by 2004 one fourth of the total GDP. The number of PSUs has now
increased to 242, with a massive total investment of Rs. 2,74,114 crore.
As time went on it became clear that there were a lot of
businesses in which the government had no social goal to fulfil and it should
exit those businesses. A lot of PSUs have been privatised since. But a lot of
other PSUs have not been privatised. There are a lot of factors which may work
against the logic of privatisation. There are social goals which a PSU can
fulfil. One of those is keeping the prices in check. A PSU in any sector would ensure
that if the other private companies form cartels and try to sell at higher
prices, there will be at least one company to go to. There are a lot of sectors
like banking, steel, coal in which the government operates not with the motive
of making profit, but with the motive of fulfilling social goals. The
government wants banks to set up branches in rural areas where the
profitability might not be high enough to attract private players. There it
needs PSU banks. Government needs guaranteed coal for the power plants even at
the cost of making less profit. Thus it needs PSUs like CIL, which it can
control by issuing presidential directives! It needs financially disciplined insurance
companies to serve the needs of the people. Thus it needs insurance companies
in both life and general insurance segment.
Given these social goals, the government will not want to
exit from some of the sectors. But given the inefficiencies and non competitive
environment which some of these PSUs operate in, is the resource and factor
allocation really optimal? Should a private company, which operates more
efficiently, is very competitive, gets more work done with less labour and
capital, not get preference for the allocation of labour and capital? The truth
is that a lot of PSUs survive on bailouts which the government keeps providing
them time and again. Air India is a case in point. A 30,000 crore bailout has
been doled out to the erstwhile Maharaja last year, with no guarantee that the
airline will operate efficiently. PSU banks are recapitalized time and again by
the government. All this also creates a distortion in the sector where the
private players are disadvantaged vis-a-vis their PSU counterparts.
The government had set a target of 30,000 crore to be raised
through divestment this fiscal. So far it has been able to raise about 6,900
crore. In 2011-2012 fiscal year in order to complete its disinvestment targets
the government tried a share auction of ONGC. Since during the whole day of the
auction there was not much buying in the auction, the government had to summon
LIC to pump in Rs. 11,426 crore and pick up a 4.4% stake in the company. Now
one could easily make out that this is transfer of money from one hand of the
government to the other. This fiscal too the government is going to set a
target of 30,000 crore. It may achieve higher than the previous year because of
the market rally. But still a lot of companies which the government has put up
for disinvestment are not expected to attract too much attention from the
investors. In such a situation what the government is left with is clever
manoeuvring like the ONGC fiasco. Just recently 3 coal mines have been returned
to NTPC ahead of its 12,000 crore disinvestment plan. How much these manoeuvres
yield results remains to be seen. In September 2012, disinvestment has been
approved in four PSUs; MMTC, Hindustan Copper, Nalco and Oil India.
So that brings us to the question. Is disinvestment such a
big urgency that it has to be done irrespective of the prices expected? Well
possibly no. Although it may so happen that in the next 20-25 years we may feel
the need to privatise all the PSUs because they would not be able to compete
with the private firms in their industry, but now is not the time for that.
Also, the process of disinvestment has to be carefully planned. The PSUs have
some social goals to fulfil. But when these huge behemoths are divested,
conflicts of interest may arise between the interest of the shareholders and
the purported social goals. The CIL v/s TCI spat is a case in point.
To sum up, disinvestment of PSUs can bring more efficiency
into their functioning, but there are social goals which a government has to
fulfil. So, the disinvestment process has to be done strategically by carefully
selecting the sectors and the impact of the disinvestment on these sectors in
terms of the conflicts of interest that might arise. Also, these huge behemoths
hold a lot of resources and capital. If managed efficiently, these can actually
earn a lot more revenue for our fiscally starved government.
